Sometimes revolutions take just five business days. From September 8 to 12, Nepal experienced one of its most unprecedented moments. A Gen Z protest on the 8th triggered state violence, toppled the government, created a power vacuum, led to spontaneous online discussions on Discord, and ended with the appointment of an interim prime minister.
Did the nation anticipate these events? For the most part, yes. However, what were the underlying factors that sparked this revolt and the transformations currently unfolding in Nepal?
Ask anyone under 30 in Nepal, and they’ll tell you: the system was rigged long before September. Young people grew up in a country where corruption runs deep, nepotism shapes careers, and elite privilege is flaunted online. Jobs are scarce, opportunities limited, and the brain drain is overwhelming.
Years of dissatisfaction with the system culminated in a rapid series of events. The Indonesian protests that erupted on August 25 against parliamentary perks and elite privilege, the Nepalese government’s ban on 26 social media platforms, and the hit-and-run of an 11-year-old girl by a provincial minister’s vehicle — all these were tipping points for frustrated youth to take to the streets.
Weeks earlier, protests had erupted in Indonesia against parliamentary perks and elite privilege. Young Indonesians targeted former president Joko Widodo and his son Gibran Rakabuming Raka, criticising Gibran’s vice-presidential appointment. Demonstrators torched regional legislatures and exposed politicians’ lavish lifestyles on TikTok. These images spread beyond Jakarta, catching the attention of Nepal’s youth, who were already frustrated with corruption and inequality.
The Indonesian protests resonated in Nepal and fuelled the “Nepo Baby” campaign, where young people began exposing the luxurious lifestyles of politicians’ children online. The campaign highlighted stark contrasts between the privileged elite and ordinary Nepalis, many of whom face poverty or must work abroad to support their families. Targets included Jaiveer Singh Deuba, son of Nepali Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba and Arzu Deuba; Shrinkhala Khatiwada, daughter of Communist Party politician Birodh Khatiwada; and Saugat Thapa, son of Gandaki Province minister Bindu Kumar Thapa.
Meanwhile, Nepal’s Gen Z, who grew up after the civil war and the monarchy’s abolishment, felt the promised “new Nepal” had failed them. A struggling economy, few job opportunities, and rampant brain drain left them disillusioned. The social media campaign made these inequalities visible and personal, amplifying frustration with the status quo.
Tensions escalated further when the government imposed a ban on 26 social media platforms. After years of failed attempts to enforce registration of global tech companies in Nepal, the government set a seven-day deadline. When the companies did not comply, the ban went into effect. For young Nepalis, it was the last straw.
On September 8, thousands took to the streets. They protested what they saw as an attempt to silence free speech, protect politicians’ children from scrutiny, and ignore widespread corruption. Teenagers skipped school in their uniforms, chanting slogans, singing, and marching with placards demanding a better future. In central Kathmandu, security forces initially held back.
But the protests soon turned deadly. As the crowd grew, some tried to breach the parliament building. Security forces responded with tear gas, water cannons, rubber bullets, and live rounds. A schoolboy was fatally shot in the head, and the footage spread online. By the day’s end, at least 19 protesters were killed, leaving the nation in shock.
Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned, but Prime Minister KP Oli remained in office. Communication Minister Prithvi Subba Gurung dismissed calls for Oli’s resignation, insisting he would not step down under public pressure alone.
By September 9, protests erupted nationwide, escalating into violent riots. Homes of top leaders — Oli, Deuba, and Dahal — were attacked and set on fire. Oli and Dahal escaped by helicopter; Deuba and his wife, Arzu, were rescued by the army. Demonstrators also set fire to Singha Durbar, the federal parliament, and the Supreme Court.
Gen Z organisers blamed infiltrators for the violence and urged calm. But older participants joined, some armed. The police and armed forces, overwhelmed, retreated. Protesters even seized abandoned weapons. By 10 p.m., the Nepal Army deployed to regain control, but private businesses, including Bhat-Bhateni supermarkets and Kantipur Media Group headquarters, had already been torched.
Amid the chaos, young Nepalis on Discord debated candidates for the interim government. Sushila Karki emerged as the frontrunner, ahead of Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah, Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang, and youth activist Sagar Dhakal. Karki had served as Nepal’s first and only female chief justice from 2016 to 2017.
On September 12, she was sworn in as interim prime minister. For the first time in history, a woman held the country’s top office. Her immediate task was clear: stabilise the state, prepare elections by March 2026, and manage a youth movement that had just shown it could topple a government in under a week.
Speculation about her cabinet followed quickly. By September 14, names of technocrats surfaced: Kulman Ghising, who ended load-shedding; Rameshore Khanal, a respected economist; and Om Prakash Aryal, a lawyer known for fighting corruption. They were sworn in on September 15, taking portfolios in finance, energy, and home affairs — at the centre of Nepal’s most urgent challenges. For many young protesters, this was the first clear sign that the interim government might listen.
As of September 16, the death toll had reached 72. Families of the deceased were declared “martyrs” and will receive government relief of NRs 1,000,000 plus NRs 500,000 for funeral expenses.
While streets are slowly returning to normal and businesses reopen, the nation remains haunted by the events of that week. The interim government now operates under the watchful eyes of a generation that has shown it can reshape power in days.